Jerome R. Corsi’s New Book Exposes Stealth “North American Union” Plan

Written by Stephen Yates

Jul 04, 2007 at 12:00 AM

Book Review: Jerome R. Corsi, The Late Great U.S.A.: The Coming Merger With Mexico and Canada.  Los Angeles: WND Books/World Ahead Media, 2007. Pp. 234 + index.  $25.95 clothback. Jerome R. Corsi’s new book, published today, offers the definitive exposé to date on the stealth campaign to merge Canada, the U.S. and Mexico into a North American superstate—called by its proponents a North American Community and its detractors the North American Union. Those of us who have been convinced for some time now that this plan was real—and being orchestrated from behind the scenes—will have their convictions reinforced by the wealth of information Corsi uses to make his case, including the 1,000-plus pages of documents he obtained through the Freedom of Information Act. Honest skeptics should find the answers to the doubts in these pages. The range of topics is complex—comparisons between the history of the European Union and our history since NAFTA, the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP), the campaign to create a North American currency called the amero, the Trans-Texas Corridor as the first leg of a system of NAFTA Superhighways and “smart ports” to erode the borders in the name of global trade, the illegal alien colonization of this country, and the cumulative, long-term effects of all these on Americans. Corsi presents us with a single, coherent package and, if he is right, the sovereignty of this nation is indeed in jeopardy. An end to national sovereignty would mean an end to government by consent of the governed. It would mean the end of America’s middle class, undercut by cheaper labor available abroad through “outsourcing” and cheap labor allowed to work here. We are already at the point where the most readily obtainable jobs are jobs that cannot be “outsourced” (waiters, waitresses, kitchen help, fast food help, hospital attendants, other “service sector” fare). Corsi’s discussion begins by comparing the formation of the European Union to the process at work here. He observes that the European Union began with calls for entangling alliances disguised as “free trade,” in the form of a coal and steel agreement initially between France and Germany. One man—Jean Monnet—took his larger vision of a politically integrated Europe to the power elites of his time: an eclectic coalition of globalist financiers, businessmen interested only in money, and leftist intellectuals convinced that the nation state was a thing of the past. Monnet recorded in his Memoirs near the end of his life that he’d early realized the need for secrecy during those early stages—because the idea of a politically integrated Europe would be rejected by the peoples of the various European countries. Crucial moments included the Treaty of Rome which established the European Common Market in 1957, the European Monetary System in 1979, the Single Europe Treaty of 1987 which ended individual nations’ veto powers in the name of the “single market,” the Maastricht Treaty of 1991 which created the full-fledged European Union, and the adoption of the euro as the exclusive official currency of Europe in 2002. The same process is occurring here at an accelerated rate, as the North American power elite tries to learn from their experiences with Europe. Enter Robert Pastor, North America’s Jean Monnet. Pastor, whose career includes working in the Carter Administration (where he orchestrated the Panama Canal giveaway), moving to American University where he headed up the North American Studies program and where he eventually became lead author of the Council on Foreign Relations’ now-infamous Building a North American Community. Pastor’s definitive statement, however, is his book Toward a North American Community: Lessons From the Old World For the New published by the globalist Institute for International Economics (archglobalist David Rockefeller is this outfit’s most prominent board member). According to Pastor, NAFTA was a good start but is not enough. Pastor promoted “deep integration” and “transcending” national sovereignty. If a North American Union actually takes shape over the next decade or so, Pastor will doubtless be considered its “father” in the same way that Jean Monnet is regarded as the “father” of the European Union. A long chapter of Corsi’s work is devoted to the “shadow government” that has developed since March 23, 2005, the day President Bush, then-President of Mexico Vicente Fox and then-Premier of Canada Paul Martin met in Waco, Texas to establish the SPP. There was, of course, no signed treaty, and no bill came before Congress. The mainstream media did not report the meeting, and our only items of first-hand knowledge were from the White House website and from the SPP site itself (www.spp.gov). Yet that was the day 13 “working groups” (an idea imported from Europe) were established to begin harmonizing standards, regulations, etc., with an eye to furthering the integration process. Three of these groups were devoted to security; ten, to prosperity. The former dealt with, respectively, external threats to North America, prevention/response within North America, and streamlined and secured shared borders. It was the first of these that came to the attention of CNN’s Lou Dobbs, who wondered on the air if our elites had gone mad. The scheme suggested involved creating a 10,000-mile security perimeter not around the U.S. but around North America, from the northernmost regions of Canada to Mexico’s southern border. The prosperity working groups dealt with manufactured goods, energy, food and agriculture, movement of goods, health, e-commerce and communications technology, transportation, the environment, financial services, and business facilitation. This should give us an idea of the range of workaday activities that were being pulled covertly under the SPP umbrella. As the groups convened, moreover, cabinet-level officers were assigned from each government to oversee their work. These officers were given the title “minister”—a term again common in Europe but previously unheard in the U.S. SPP headquarters were established in the NAFTA office of the U.S. Department of Commerce. In 2006, Bush, Fox, and new Canadian Premier Stephen Halper met in Cancun, Mexico. By this time, the harmonizing process was well under way. A meeting is scheduled for Ottawa, Canada next month. Corsi debunks the infamous “Myths and Facts” section of the SPP website, which describes the SPP is a “dialogue” between the three nations. He shows that by the end of the first 90-day period, there were documents with names like Framework of Common Principles for Electronic Commerce, and Memoranda of Understanding dealing with exchange of information and cooperative activities on public health, safety of consumer products, rules of origin, textiles, and so on, indicating that we were looking at more than a mere “dialogue.” Corsi quotes Deputy Secretary of Commerce David A. Sampson as calling the SPP a “blueprint.” He shows that the SPP agenda accelerated through 2006 and into 2007, with no Congressional oversight and coverage by any mainstream media outlet except for Lou Dobbs. In September 2006, of course, the North American Forum on Integration held a highly secretive meeting (no press releases and just one journalist invited) in a hotel in the rather remote Banff, Alberta. If these meetings are just components of a “dialogue,” then why the secrecy? In fact, Corsi was able to obtain—and has supplied us with—attendance lists of each of these secret meetings which are not so secret anymore despite what was intended. Another chapter discusses the Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC), plans for which are underway even now along I-35. Obviously, an integrated North America would require an integrated transportation network, and the TTC would provide the first leg of a projected system of NAFTA Superhighways that would operate as toll roads and lead from Mexican ports such as Monterrey to an inland “smart port” in Kansas City without stopping, and from there into Canada. The TTC has already been contracted out by the Federal Highway Administration and the Texas Department of Transportation to a foreign corporation, the Spanish Cintra Concesiones, in partnership with San Antonio’s Zachry Construction, with the large Houston-based Bracewell & Giuliani having brokered the deal. (Yes, sir, that’s our Rudy!) The full TTC system, projected to be completed over a 50-year period, would result in the taking of 584,000 acres of Texas farm and ranchland via post-Kelo era eminent domain.  These structures do not simply augment the existing interstate highway system, they replace it, creating private zones almost a quarter of a mile in width that will be difficult to cross. The purpose is to facilitate “free trade” within a hemisphere-scale economy in which America imports most of its goods. What is not clear, of course, is how ordinary Texans will benefit, having been unceremoniously thrown from their land.  Corsi also discusses what has become, during the NAFTA era, perhaps the dominant big business entity: the public-private partnership, of which the deal with Cintra is an example. These typically involve multinational corporations aligning with governments to develop specific projects such as NAFTA Superhighways, several more of which are projected in other parts of the country, including the Atlantic Corridor to run alongside I-95. Corporations supply the money; governments supply the muscle, so to speak. The former see increasing profits; the latter, increasing power. (This kind of arrangement, in less politically correct times, was called fascism; a term I sometimes use is soft fascism, which avoids overt coercion in favor of economic incentives and psychological manipulations.) What will be the effects of all this on the U.S.? The “deep integration” zealots would have us believe in a world of benefit for the U.S. and for Americans, which is why they speak the language of prosperity. Yet if the long-term effects of NAFTA are any guide (much of our manufacturing base gone, over two-thirds of our textile industry gone, well over 1 million good-paying jobs gone), this is either a delusion or a deception. Corsi observes that the primary beneficiary of globalist “free trade” has been China, a Communist country. An economically and politically integrated North America would make it still easier for the Chinese to export cheap goods manufactured with slave labor and further undercut our job base. We would be less able, not more able, to compete in the global marketplace. China, of course, recognizes this and is already investing in NAFTA ports in Mexico, even as Kansas City declares itself an “inland port” ready to receive containers from China brought up along the TTC. It should be clear: the creation of a North American superstate will accelerate the engineered decline of the U.S. Our cultural decline will accelerate via the continued open-borders policy of the present Bush Administration which has already allowed a flood of over 20 million illegal aliens here who have no incentive to learn English, obey our laws, or assimilate into our culture and become Americans. Huge tax-exempt foundations like Ford and Rockefeller are, in fact, bank-rolling the illegal alien colonization of this country via La Raza (The Race), the large Hispanic pressure group that organized the May 1, 2006, illegal-alien demonstrations of which we have pictures of the U.S. flag hanging upside down and Mexicans declaring, “Think I’m illegal, gringo? I’m in my homeland.” The prevalence of cheap Mexican labor will further depress wages; the prevalence of Mexico-style corruption, increased crime, and use of drugs also brought in from Mexico will accelerate middle America’s becoming another third world basket case. There is much more in this work than can be gone into here. Corsi has used many brush strokes to paint a very disturbing portrait, illustrating very clearly the danger Americans face. He entitled the above chapter, “The U.S.A. In Twilight,” to give you an idea. If the North American Union idea goes forward, China will continue to rise as a world power—the Chinese have embraced a semblance of capitalism as a means of advancing their brand of communism—while the West weakens, or is possibly attacked from the outside. A “security perimeter” around North America instead of the U.S. will increase, not decrease, the risk of Islamic terrorists smuggling, e.g., a nuclear weapon into an American city. Even if no such conflagration ever happens, we will see the end of a political system based on government by consent of the governed, since U.S. laws, courts, and Congress itself, will be trumped by international institutions controlled by the power elite. This is the situation today in Europe. Skeptics, of course, will doubtless dismiss Corsi as another “conspiracy wacko.” Some already have. The time is long past to brush off this kind of unproductive nonsense, unless the skeptic has a better explanation for why our government is fighting a “war on terror” with wide open borders, why “free trade” invariably enlarges government and benefits multinational corporations at the expense of ordinary Americans, or why the Chinese are reaping economic windfalls again at our expense. Why, finally, are two border patrol agents doing hard time (one of them in solitary confinement) on the word of a Mexican drug smuggler? Can Americans do anything? The good news is that opposition to a North American superstate exists at both the state level and in Congress. Several states have passed resolutions calling for the U.S. to leave the SPP and not to form a North American Union. Two bills in committee in Congress urge the U.S. to withdraw from NAFTA and to not create a NAFTA Superhighway system or enter into a North American Union with Mexico and Canada. These bills were introduced by Virgil Goode (R-VA) and have three cosponsors: Tom Tancredo (R-CO), Ron Paul (R-TX) and Walter Jones (R-NC). Last week, we saw that an alert and alarmed middle America can send a powerful message to Washington. The Senate, on Bush’s urgings, was ready to consider his amnesty-for-illegals bill (renumbered (S-1639) despite its having lost the first go around and despite the obvious opposition of around 80 percent of informed Americans. For the second time, phone calls, faxes, emails, etc., practically shut down Congressional switchboards and crashed servers. The amnesty bill lost. Senators, fearing the wrath of their constituents, dared not vote Yes. Can we stop this juggernaut? Americans appear to be waking up! More and more are becoming informed about the actual causes of our economic and cultural decline. They are starting to look past the official smoke-screens and ask tough questions of their elected officials. Americans are more and more demanding that those holding public office do the will of the people, not that of the power elite.  Jerome Corsi has done his part, with enough well-documented articles to fill a bookcase, and now this book. If you read just one book about economics and politics this year, it should be this one!  --------------------------------------- Steven Yates teaches philosophy at the University of South Carolina Upstate and Greenville Technical College, and is on the board of the South Carolina chapter of Citizens Committee to Stop the FTAA. The views expressed in his columns are his own, and do not reflect official views of any of these institutions or organizations. His latest book World-views: Christian Theism versus Modern Materialism, was published last year by The Worldviews Project (for more information call 864-288-0043). He is at work on a new book tentatively entitled The Real Matrix. His email address is: